Towards a European network against state and capitalism

We, antiauthoritarian and anticapitalist groups and grassroots unions, that took part in the mobilization to the European action day against capitalism (M31), gathered in Thessaloniki at the congress for direct democracy on the 6th of September 2012 to discuss the possibilities of our cooperation and common actions in the future. We – that means comrades from A.K. (Antiauthoritarian Movement, Greece), the CNT (Spain), …UmsGanze, FAU, Interventionist Left (Germany) and activists from England, Austria and Bulgaria. We all agree that in this time of capitalist crisis, the rise of nationalism and ongoing austerity measures it is necessary to organize beyond national borders and against state and capital.

The capitalist system today cannot offer any positive perspective anymore, but leads to an increase of social division and authoritarian constraints in the name competitive capability and national interest. Therefor we cannot rely on reformist institutions – like parties and reformist unions. If we are interested in a good life for everybody, we have to (self) organize and take our lives in our hands. As State and Capital in Europe are organized on a supranational level, an emancipatory resistance should do so as well. Our common mobilization to the European action day M31 was a first step in this direction.

Nevertheless, we see that the different realities in Europe also lead to the necessity of different strategies. Therefor we discussed how we can build up a communication infrastructure that allows us to intensify the exchange of experiences so that we can learn from each other. Another important point was the question, how we can support each other in the different social struggles. Although the social conditions and the state of the crisis in different countries are different it is clear to us, that there are enough possibilities for mutual assistance. Last but not least we all agree that we will meet again before the end of this year, maybe in Spain. The promise that there is an exit strategy to the authoritarian state of emergency as well as from capitalist normality is something that we ourselves have to make true. Therefor we invite everybody to fight with us.

Article of FAU Frankfurt

Within a joint day of action against capitalism on March 31, there have been rallies and demonstrations in more than 40 European cities. These actions are the beginning of an international networking by the anti-authoritarian movement against the European Union’s ruling crisis policy. The common goal is a free society in which everybody can participate. The foundation for that can only be an economy in which everybody is provided with a good life instead of wealth for a small number of people and poverty, existential fear and work baiting for many. On March 31, tens of thousands of people in more than 40 European cities, set in motion for that.

In Frankfurt/Main alone, around 6000 people participated in a demonstration themed “Capitalism is the Crisis”. Speeches at the the demonstration’s beginning stressed the fact that crisis and capitalism are inseparable. “It is a global and systemic crisis”, said Thorsten Bewernitz (FAU). He also said that a connection between industrial actions, struggles on the streets and in front of administrative offices will be crucial in the upcoming time.

As the EU governments and trade organisations try to shift the costs of the crisis on wage workers’ backs, the resistance against it needs to become a popular and a daily exercise so we may successfully oppose the matter. This is how we understand the demonstration’s motto: “Solidarity. Strike. Upheaval”.

The demonstration began at the central station. It was a loud, colourful and open rally, heading towards the construction site of the European Central Bank (ECB), which we wanted to reach together. Besides groups and organisations involved in planning and mobilisation, a wide spectrum of people from many cities gathered at the demonstration.

There were groups from the radical left wing, but also street theatre with stilts and costumes, critical colleagues from ver.di and IGM, older people from the left wing, who have not been on demonstration for years and lots of people working for companies in Frankfurt, who were all attracted by the call and perspectives of this event. Many of them were impressed by the steadily growing demonstration. Finally it grew to 6000 people.

After some speeches in between and greetings to the Occupy camp in front of the present ECB building, some paint bombs were thrown and some glass was broken at the ECB, several banks, the luxury hotel Frankfurter Hof, a couple of temporary work agencies and other buildings.

Just after another stop at the Paulsplatz, when the demonstration started to continue, police units attacked the rear part of the demonstration and began to kettle people in. Around 250 people were kettled for around 9 hours with temperatures just slightly above the freezing point and were randomly attacking police thugs. Those ones kettled in were supported by the demonstration’s own ambulances, with protection against the cold. Still, two of the victims had to be hospitalized, one of them because of hypothermia. The ambulance reported 130 wounded demonstrators.

Before that, the major part of the demonstration tried to reach the kettle for about two hours to open it. When the demonstration finally decided to walk into the city centre, the police decided to break it up. Therefore, the planned actions at the ECB’s construction site became impossible. They probably tried to prevent strong pictures of a ECB fortress bristling with weapons.

Despite the disproportional police actions, March 31 was a distinctive sign against capitalism and nationalism and for a society in which production is oriented on people’s needs. We judge the fact that there were demonstrations and rallies from Ufa at the Ural to Porto at the Atlantic, from Inverness on the British Isles to Utrecht and Milan to Athens, from Moscow, Kiev and Warsaw to Badajoz at the Extremedura, as willingness for a common perspective of resistance against the repression of the state and capitalist exploitation. These rudimentary efforts need to be cultivated, strenghtened and expanded. And they need to be connected to other mobilisations like the general strike in Spain.

From our perspective, this European wide day of action was a successful beginning. The massive participation in a demonstration in Germany, which significantly refused to repair capitalism, gives us hope that there will be subsequent actions. As an anarcho-syndicalist union we stress that demonstrations are nothing more than a short time expression of growing resistance. Effective resistance begins with the organisation at the place of exploitation: factory, offices and many other places which are responsible to make the capitalist galley run. Until we collectively refuse rowing to the beat of the drum and start to set the sails by ourselves, we won’t be galley slaves no more and set the course by ourselves.

This Saturday, March 31st, there will be simultaneous demonstrations, rallies and assemblies in many European cities. Protests have been organized by anti-capitalist groups and libertarian grassroots unions from all over Europe. The initiative is labeled “M31 – European Day of Action against Capitalism”. Members of M31 want to send a clear signal against current austerity policies and authoritarian labour reforms by national governments and the Troika (EU, ECB and IMF) on the backs of wageworkers, migrants and the unemployed. In their Call for Action, M31 groups state: “We don’t want to save capitalism, we want to overcome it.”

M31 protests will take place in these cities: Porto (Portugal); Madrid, Toledo, Bilbao, Zaragoza, Murcia, Badajoz, Aranjuez, Castro Uridales (Spain); Besancon, Bayonne (France); Utrecht (Netherlands); Frankfurt/Main (Germany); Vienna (Austria); Modena (Italy); Warsaw (Poland); Kiev (Ukraine); Ljubljana and other cities (Slovania); Zagreb (Croatia); Athens, Thessaloniki (Greece). In solidarity with M31, groups of Occupy Wall Street will hold a rally in New York (USA). Parallel to M31, anti-capitalist groups in Moscow and in many cities of the United Kingdom will take to the streets against neoliberal labour reform. Check the M31 update for details.

Our transnational initiative marks a new level of cooperation of the anti-capitalist left in Europe. We counter nationalist campaigns within the EU against Southern European countries and wageworkers. We get active against the increasing militarization of the European borders. We try to develop a perspective of transnational self-organization against austerity measures. All in all, this Day of Action is just the beginning of a continued struggle. More protest actions are already being organized.

In Germany, the main event on March 31st will be an anti-capitalist and anti-national demonstration in Frankfurt/Main (2 pm, Main Station). A broad alliance of leftist organizations from all over Germany have registered their support. In many cities, busses to Frankfurt have been organized. Speakers will address different aspects of capitalism and its crisis: gentrification, harsh labour reforms, nationalist politics of migration and deportation, and the like. In the course of the demonstration, the European Central Bank will be visited. Organizers expect a good turnout.

For further information, check our multilingual homepage: march31.net

To get in touch:
 eMail: m31-press@riseup.net
 Phone: +49 163 71 53 714

Alternatively on vimeo: M31 – Graffiti Mobi Video

Introduction

The following article was written in the context of the mobilisation for the international project “M31”, a European day of action against capitalism and the crisis. It is a first attempt to describe our approach of “antinational communism”*. Antinationalism is a fairly new, German-specific perspective on left-wing radical politics. It came about in the early 90s in Germany as a reaction to the reunification of a new, greater Germany and the occurrences of racism/fascism by a reactionary civil society. What is its central tenet? Nationalism or – to be more precise – the idea of the nation itself is seen as the central ideology, the all-time dominant, undeniable category in the global, oppressing power relation of capitalism and the capitalist state, which we want to see abolished. From our point of view, an antinational perspective goes beyond traditional left-wing approaches (classical anti-imperialism). And yet, we do not like to focus on Germany and its specifics alone and instead pick up a certain idea of international networking. We want to free this approach from its Germany-focussed isolation and – especially now at a time of crisis, when we can develop transnational reference points – start discussions with comrades in other European countries. Hence we decided to call this approach “international antinationalism”. This is also one of the main motivations for us and our antinational, German-wide network “…ums Ganze!” to engage in the project “M31”, which was largely initiated out of Germany.

*For us, communism has so far never existed. Communism is “the real movement which abolishes the present state of things” (Marx), i.e. the total negation of the present, capitalist world order for an emancipated, liberated society. The Soviet Union and “real-existing socialism” never was able to get rid of certain basic-capitalist categories, like value or wage labour. Thus, our use of the term communism distances itself from historic attempts at “Real Socialism”.

See more:

www.no-racism.de

www.umsganze.org

International Antinationalism!

Five years after the start of the financial crisis, after the insurrections in the Arab region, after intense protests against worsening living and working conditions – after all these developments, finally the German Left is having discussions about the crisis. It seems to become obvious that partial struggles within and against the spheres of production and reproduction are not able to resist against the austerity measures of the Troika (European Union, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund). This experience has led to different movements and different struggles emerging in these last years, which are looking for common reference points. These transnational movements – whether we think of “Occupy” or the “Arab spring” – are proof that actions which relate to each other are capable of creating new dynamics and of disrupting – at least on the level of ideas traditional conceptions of political terrain (thinking and acting within one’s “own” national territory; the nation as a firm category).

Still, all these new movements share the same problem: when it comes to the point of articulating critique and demands, we find only vague abstractions rather than specifics. At the same time, they do retain a certain intuitiveness about the capacity of collective action. This idea of revolt is opposed – from within the “European Left” – by the supporters of a state idealism in two related, yet polarised, ways: the first way claims that social movements can manage to become relevant forces in politics only by relying on a “moral basis”. This perspective agitates for the “Idea of Europe” as a common denominator for the different movements and encourages it against the current EUROpe of austerity measures. The second way advocates a politics, which has allegedly been robbed of its true power by “the evil incarnate” (the banksters). This perspective views the aim of struggle as the establishment of a sovereign authority, which would set the framework for the possibility of social reforms. In what follows, we are going to criticise both ways in order to show their reactionary role in the current discussions, and to illustrate our programme for a social offensive. Furthermore, we are going to suggest a different approach for social revolt, derived from our critique of state and capital. We shall call this approach “international antinationalism”.

The “Idea of Europe” vs. EUROpe

Whether in school, in university or in leftist feature pages – the “Idea of Europe” is a sacred cow. Especially in times of crisis and wars, it is beyond any criticism. In the midst of World War I, the German philosopher Georg Simmel understood exactly what the “Idea of Europe” is about and what it opposes: “The belief and spirit of internationalism […] is an altogether secondary phenomenon […] and an enemy of one’s own rooted national character. Europeanism, on the other hand, is an idea, an altogether primary phenomenon not attainable by accumulation or abstraction – however late its appearance as a historical force. It does not exist in between individual nations, it exists beyond them, and is thus perfectly compatible with an individual national life.”

Beyond the speculative search for difference and commonality of national identities – so typical for nationalists – Simmel recognizes within the “Idea of Europe” the benefit to one’s own nation of guarding the latter against the “virus” of the worker’s movement’s all-pervasive internationalism. Still today, the “Idea of Europe” serves this function. Furthermore, the value of the “Idea of Europe”, in its “idealism”, lies in its perspective on ideological crisis management. The Prussian state-political philosopher Hegel wrote: “It is often said, for the sake of edification, that war makes short work of the vanity of temporal things. It is the element by which the idealization of what is particular receives its right and becomes an actuality.” “Idealisation”, the value of Europe, is not just some philosophical chit-chat outside of world affairs; it is a matter of great priority for European states that their citizens accept the “Idea of Europe” as an “ideal” and that they renounce the “vanity of temporal things”.

But what exactly is the “Idea of Europe” anyway? A lot of pens have been put to paper to answer this question and a great deal of nonsense has been the result. The most honest answer, however, was given by the outgoing president of the European Central Bank – Jean Claude Trichet – with the following description: “Our model was the united American Market. If we wanted peace and prosperity, it was said at the time, we needed to benefit from the same economies of scale, from the same free markets as did the United States. This was the vision of the founding fathers of Europe. If that was true back then, it is even more so today”. Nowadays it is widely known that it was primarily Germany who benefited from these free markets and whose export surplus ruined other national economies in Europe, such as that of Greece. In order to keep the “Idea of Europe” going, they now “speak German” in Europe, by which we mean the impoverishment of the masses to enable the realisation of capital valorisation.

L’Etat pour moi

In times of crisis, it is not only bankrupt car manufacturers or banks in need of a bailout that are calling for the strong state. The Left, too, sees itself vindicated once more. Financial capital, helped by ruthless parliamentarians, has sold “politics” down the river, it claims. Enchanted by the benevolence of “financial markets”, nation-states were no longer able to carry out their true function of pleasing their people’s needs, it alleges.

Alongside such rather simplistic approaches, there are also many academic versions of the same. What they have in common is a glorified image of the “golden age of capitalism” (Eric Hobsbawm). According to such claims, the intervention of the state – including its ideological support in mid-20th century, Keynesianism – was not a result of tendencies of monopolisation (imperialism), problems in the production of surplus value (Paul Mattik) and the struggles of rebellious workers (Beverly Silver); rather it is supposed to represent a dubious “class compromise”, which pointed at an advantageous “power balance” for the working classes. This reading does not only deny the inner historicity of capital, but it focuses the struggle for a liberated society on the state, the territory of its defeat. Accordingly, the “capitalist state” (Friedrich Engels uses the term “ideeller Gesamtkapitalist” which translates roughly as the “ideal personification of the total national capital”) had the obscure, a-historical potential to ban forever, by sovereign dictum, all tendencies for crisis and to guarantee the permanent valorisation of value.

And hence, the global accumulation of capital needs nothing more than to create a “true demand” in the market as well as new “leading technologies” by means of a “green capitalism”, all for the achievement of new profits. Alone the fact that the elites and bosses do not show any interest in any such pragmatic proposals to extend exploitation and oppression hints at the fading sovereignty of state authority. It is this “left-wing faith” in the power of the state that gave impetus to the Greek Stalinists (KKE) sending its gangs of “thugs” to protect the parliament in Athens from other protesters during the election of a new austerity package. He who seeks the power of the state has to prevent its dissolution by dissolving the revolt.

What to do? – Determining our position

In recent years, some antinational projects have tried to make international connections. Although a lack of capacity meant that larger initiatives were not possible, such efforts did maintain a common theoretical frame: a clear dissociation from those on the Left that support the state, as well as the rejection of the idea of “national solidarity” (“Solidarität der Völker”). In order to strengthen the idea of a “revolutionary defeatism” (a concept Lenin opposed to “social patriotism” – the ed.) we took action – locally and further afield – against global companies with headquarters in Germany or against German and European institutions. Our activities sought to criticise the nation-state as the unquestioned centre of all politics and to symbolically deny that a whole country could benefit from the business carried out by individual companies. Beyond that, we tried to open communication channels with those people that had already taken to revolt, with limited success.

In this context, we supported two Germany-wide days of actions called for by the campaign “Antifa Tehran”. These actions expressed solidarity with the insurrection against the Islamist regime of Iran in 2009 and publicly outed German companies involved in dirty business with the Iranian government. Critical research showed that German businesses supported the IRI regime, which was sanctioned by the state. Crucially for this campaign, the most direct and widespread signal of solidarity that we could send to the Iranian protesters at the time was a blockade of the Iranian consulate in Frankfurt. Unfortunately, it was hard to receive wider, left-wing support for this, because the traditional Left’s reception of the political case of Iran and its limited competence to adequately respond to the events of 2009 proved to be an insurmountable stumbling block.

We made very different experiences as part of our participation in the global “day of action against Eurest” (Eurest is a catering and canteen multinational – the ed.), organised by our comrades from the Industrial Workers of the World; the employees of the Ford-canteen in Cologne experienced direct solidarity by other Eurest-workers worldwide, be they in New York or Frankfurt, who supported the Ford-workers in their struggle against Eurest and the Ford management. Maybe this was a small sign that in times of national competition for jobs, a competition perpetuated even by trade unions, parts of the working class are still aware of the importance of solidarity. Our aim, however, remains to broach the issue of international networking of wage-labourers reflecting transnational chains of capital valorisation in order to revive the question of “workplace bargaining power” (Silver) in the “hidden abode of production” (Marx).

In 2011, an unpredictable wave of practical solidarity reached a new peak in Germany: the eviction of the squat “Liebig 14” led to a permanent status of alert for several police units in the whole of Germany. Indeed, Berlin and other cities in Germany saw massive, spontaneous clashes. This must be understood as a reaction to the state fantasising about more evictions, for example that of the notorious squat “Rote Flora” in Hamburg.

These chain reactions of solidarity reminded us of the international response to the 2008 December riots in Greece. The occupation of the Greek embassy in Berlin on 8 December 2008, which was covered widely by the Greek media, not to forget a large number of demonstrations and actions all over the world, “motivated” our comrades in Greece not to give up their struggle.

Yes! Antinational Solidarity!

All these cases have one thing in common: they focus on solidarity. But what does solidarity mean, anyway? Today, it turns out to be a largely empty notion with hugely differing meanings; its definition from a left-wing and radical perspective is problematic due to its colloquial, predominant meaning. Bourgeois society understands the principle of solidarity as the selfless duty to serve the “common good”, along the lines of “One for all, and all for one”. Whether it concerns the shift of the costs of social reproduction back upon the workers via the medium of national insurance, or whether it is about the German government’s “Agenda 2010″ or other austerity measures – you can hear the call for “solidarity” play to the tune of national responsibility for state and capital.

Our understanding of “antinational solidarity” is diametrically opposed to this call of duty for the nation. We agree with the concept of solidarity as formulated by the First International: Marx and Engels had derived the basic principle of solidarity from the necessity of the international character of the social revolution. At that time it appeared obvious that only the intention to smash the whole system would enable a general uprising in the spirit of solidarity. We agree and say with Marx: “The revolution must be carried out with solidarity.”

Thus, we need to (re)occupy the principle of solidarity and fill it with left-wing and radical content. Solidarity has to be freed from the isolation of single issue campaigns; it has to be revived and updated by purging it of its reactionary and especially if its national blinkers.

We do not want to appear as naïve and overly optimistic in relation to the current struggles. Still, we do find in these time and time again possibilities for theoretical and political radicalisation. However, the struggle for a better life can only succeed if it comes in the form of a social revolution. Until then we see it as our task to disseminate the idea of antinational solidarity beyond the boundaries of Germany and Europe and to continue to criticise and to act against the correlation of state, nation and capital – free from the illusions of the reformist and traditional Left.

For an international antinational movement!

UNION SQUARE (N), 1PM, MARCH  – 31st / classwarcamp@gmail.com

In solidarity with the European call for anti-capitalist action on M31 (march31.net), Class War Camp (a group of anarchists, socialists, communists, etc. who Occupy Wall Street) is calling for a mass gathering of anti-capitalists of all stripes and kinds to discuss strategy, and network for the ongoing global revolution. Only if we know each other can we help one another!

For too long, the various strains of anti-capitalism (anarcho-whatever or without adjectives, Marxist-socialist-communist, and everything else) have been at each others throats just as much as at capital’s–when they’ve even acknowledged each others’ existence.

But over the last several years, something has happened, or is happening. It has spread from Latin America to Europe and the Middle East and back and across the world. It has many names, from 15M to the Arab Spring to Occupy–and before that, it was a wave of “riots” in a variety of places (not just Europe) with no such political signification. The landscape has changed, but the question is: how?

For the first time in recent memory it seems possible that the people themselves could break their apathy and become politically involved once again. But in a world where the Left is as divided as ever and on the defensive against a Right that is increasingly mobilized and with the full strength of capital behind it, the question is: how do we do it? How do we fight this fight, for the benefit of all?

Can we afford to ignore each other anymore?
What tactics are most effective?
Is having a unified organization the same as working in unity?
How should we relate to the State? Can we afford to “ignore” it when it can’t afford to ignore us?
What is the significance of “consensus process” for future organizing? Is it an anomaly or something significant?
What does it mean that the recent movements spreading all over are predominately anarchistic in theory and principle, while at the same time anarchism is increasingly co-opted by the Right (libertarians, “anarcho-capitalists,” “free market anarchists”) in a way that the various marxisms are not–if anything?
How do we win?
These are some of our questions. What are yours?

The Confederation believes that the demonstration against the labor reforms of the People’s Party should be only the first step of a widespread social response which would lead to the calling of a general strike.

There is nothing to negotiate and the only option to defend ourselves against the Labor Reform of PP is its removal.

Since February 10 there have been constant protests against labor reform in different cities. Protests will continue in the coming days, and hundreds of thousands of workers have taken to the streets, especially over the last weekend.If the CCOO and UGT raised this mobilization as a question about the will to fight of the working class or as a thermometer to assess the call for a general strike, the answer is clear: the struggle is the way forward and it is necessary to call for a general strike.

For the CNT, the important social response, continuing last year’s demonstrations against cuts and economic policies initiated by the PSOE government, and deepened by the current PP government, highlights the need to continue the fight in the streets against these measures, and highlights the timid response so far by CCOO and UGT and the detrimental policies of constantly surrendering the rights of the working class practiced by these unions in recent times.

The agreement for the cut in salaries or the recent II Employment Agreement to wage freezes are only recent examples of these policies that we reject and that have brought continuous setbacks for labor rights and a total offense of the bosses and bankers against social rights in all fields.

So CNT believes that the only option for workers should be the immediate withdrawal of RD 3/2012, An attack like this on the working class cannot be reformed, the labor rights at stake are not negotiable and it is only continuous mobilizations on the street can defend them and lead to new victories for the working class.

CNT considers that it is not the time to retreat, It has mobilized and will continue advocating mobilizations like those it has been conducting in recent months, both in mobilizations called by the CNT, as in those carried out with other militant unions and social movements, and also in the demonstrations like those called by the institutional trade unions last weekend, where it participated, very critically,

The refusal of the CCOO and UGT to call a general strike, and the latest statements of its leaders, trying to reform and negotiate the measures taken by the government, raises fear that there will be a new surrender of all rights by a type of unionism that would thus definitely have shown its inability to face the offensive of a government that has assumed the maximum program of the bosses and the bankers.

The CNT calls on all workers to encourage continued and growing mobilizations, building another form of unionism, to increase conflict in the workplace to counter the launch of the Labor Reform and to achieve its withdrawal.

Moving towards a general strike call with the ability to reverse the attacks on workers is the challenge the working class and the trade unions must consider, so we can see that rights are not surrendered, but defended and won.

Secretariat of the Confederal Committee
National Confederation of Labour – CNT

After introducing themselves and their local group in Cologne, the activists talked about the motivation behind acting beyond national boundaries and the genesis of the European action day against capitalism and the crisis. At the core M31 will be the first coordinated, big attempt to react to the crisis from a radical, emancipatory point of view.

They were asked about the specific role of Germany and the European Central Bank (ECB), which both is mentioned in the call for M31. The activists described Germany’s central role in the history and the present struggle of the Euro-Zone, concerning its interests in having a strong, European economic block to be able to compete on a high level in the global market. Besides they pointed out, that the austerity measures against mostly precarious people in the European states bear similarities to the German model to become a powerful economic player for the last 10-20 years. After all, Berlin and Paris mainly push the actual anti-crisis measures forward.

Furthermore, the members of “…umsGanze!” emphasized the special status of the ECB. The ECB is not a usual, common bank, but the central monetary institution of Europe. Because of that, it is one part of the “Troika” (ECB, EU, IMF) – which executes the agreements of the austerity-measures and the cuts – and therefore it is seen rather as a political institution than a bank.

The activists were asked about the members of the project M31. They summed up the groups and participations as coming from the radical left or the anarchist space; anarcho-syndicalist unions, Antifa-groups as well socialrevolutionary organizations are part of the M31-network.

Finally Dissident Island asked for the reaction and the feedback towards M31. The activists replied, that this differs a lot concerning the concrete situation of the different countries. The M31-groups in Greece for an example have a far wider public to reach, because the crisis is much more present and crucial there. In Germany, which in fact is not harmed by the crisis so badly, the situation of social movements is much more marginalized. But nevertheless the members of the “…umsGanze!”-Alliance where yet positive about the dynamics, that the M31-project causes in Germany. As a conclusion, they said, many people and organizations situated in the German left debate about M31 and the issue of a need to act radically against the crisis – above the usual boundaries.

We thank the “Dissident Island Radio” in London for having this interview with us.

Leftist groups from various European countries are planning a Europe-wide, anti-capitalist day of action on March 31st. The German »…ums Ganze!« network is part of the »M31« alliance that currently coordinates German and international protests. Jungle World asked for the motivations behind their call for action.

Interview: Peter Nowak

How did the idea for a European day of action come up?



Since the beginning of the crisis, the question of how to react has been widely discussed in the anti-capitalist left. Over the last couple of years, groups from the »…ums Ganze!« network took part in many regional initiatives. At the same time we were able to establish an international network of contacts. In September 2011, we gave a talk in Thessaloniki, and had discussions with Greek activists. At that time, we decided to cooperate more closely. Other groups from the »M31« alliance, such as the FAU, have long been organized on an international level; they are part of the »International Workers’ Association« (IWA).

How do you deal with the fact that in some EU countries there’s considerable social resistance, whereas in Germany virtually noone is taking to the streets?



The »M31« alliance tries to take these differences into account: our focus is a critique of capitalism, not a personalizing critique of bankers and politicians. We are an international alliance with an anti-national perspective. We rally against the division along national boundaries and we won’t waste our solidarity on nation states. Instead, we want to organize solidarity with those who struggle for a better life for all. The aim of our alliance is to connect these struggles not through abstract declarations but in practice. That’s why there will be simultaneous interventions in different European cities, reflecting different local conflicts. To us, it is important that March 31st will only mark the beginning of a long-term exchange between different leftist groups in Europe, on a programmatic as well as on a practical level.

What countries and groups are part of the network?

In Germany, the initiative evolved primarily out of the regional Crisis Alliance in Frankfurt and the two nationwide networks »…ums Ganze!« and FAU. Since then, the »M31« alliance has grown and several groups have declared their support. Our aim is a call for action that deals with political differences in a constructive way. On the European level, so far mostly syndicalist unions, anti-authoritarian and anti-national groups from Greece, Poland and Spain (CNT) have joined in, as well as antifascist groups from Austria, the Netherlands and Belgium. Groups in France, Italy and the UK are currently discussing if and how they will take part. We will see throughout the next weeks how comprehensive the protests in those countries will be. One very positive aspect is that our joint call for action is being discussed in many countries and across a wide political spectrum.

Is Germany’s European policy an issue in those debates?

Germany’s low-wage-policy along with its enormous productivity have led countries with less productive industries such as Greece or Spain to the brink of national bankruptcy. In the context of the current so-called Euro crisis, Germany is trying to impose new austerity measures upon those states of the European periphery. If they dissent in any way, Germany threatens to cancel the financial aid. This particular role Germany plays will of course be a focus of our call for action. After all, most relevant financial and economic policies of the EU are currently hammered out in Berlin and Paris. Germany’s current commitment to the EU and the Euro is not a generous renunciation of its national interests. On the contrary, Germany benefits from the EU not only as a quasi-domestic market, but also as an economic bloc to oppose the USA, Japan, Russia and especially China on a global level.

Why did you choose the city of Frankfurt for the German day of action?



The Crisis Alliance in Frankfurt was one of the initiators of »M31«. More importantly, though, the European Central Bank (ECB) and, hence, a major instutution executing austerity measures in the European periphery has its headquarters in Frankfurt. Crisis policy is also financial and monetary policy. But the anti-capitalist call for action will not be limited to the ECB and the role of the common commercial banks. Capitalism is an extensive structure of social domination, affecting the whole of society. We will make our voices heard in various locations around the city, such as the job centers, temporary employment companies or in recently gentrified areas.

Haven’t there been any concerns that focusing protests on the financial capital of Germany may be misleading, in terms of a very limited critique of the financial sector only?



Well, these concerns can be dispelled quite easily: the ECB is not a regular commercial bank like most of the banks we know, it is a political institution. Our protest is explicitly focusing the political and ideological character of the current anti-crisis measures. Blaming the banks is not our business. Essentially, our critique aims at capitalism as a systemic condition. It’s not bad because of greed and manipulation, but because of its structural, unending imperative to compete for private profit, with its broader ramifications such as the crisis. This is why we disagree with the ideological blame game, where an allegedly »greedy financial sector« is contrasted to what is often considered a »sound real economy«. Such a division is not only ignorant but dangerously misleading.

It has been objected that the ECB is the wrong target, because concerning monetary policy, there’s a deep division between the German government and the European Central Bank.



The ECB is formally independent in its decisions. But with its legal competences in the field of monetary policy, it shares responsibility for economic growth and stability in the Euro-Zone. The level of its prime rate, for instance, influences how much fresh money the commercial banks will get. Consequently, the ECB is a big player in the crisis. The debates between European national governments and the ECB are crucial for crisis policy.Only time will tell whether a certain monetary strategy has been successful. But basically, the goal is always the same: to keep the Euro-Zone strong on the global market or, in more general terms, to ensure the accumulation of capital. We are opposed to this and want to reinvigorate a discussion about alternatives to capitalism.

How does the M31 day of action relate to the »Occupy«-movement, which also has its stronghold in Frankfurt?



In Frankfurt, we have already cooperated with certain groups in the »Occupy«-movement. Internationally, that movement is very heterogeneous and in many cases a mix of very diverse political views. In the US, »Occupy« has sent important impulses for an anticapitalist debate, whereas in Greece it has no role in the protests at all.

There is another initiative for an anti-capitalist protest, in May. The alliance »Interventionistische Linke« (IL) is amongst its organizers, and they plan to integrate the »Occupy«-movement into this project. Is a cooperation with »M31« conceivable?



Certainly. We’re already in contact with IL concerning their initiative in May. We will promote their actions as soon as they go public. The anti-crisis protests should be seen as a common effort. Obviously, there are differences in terms of analysis but we are trying to find a pragmatic way of dealing with these.

March 31st is supposed to be a point of departure for future protests. What are you going to do to make this happen?



Concerning the day of action itself: the aim of our demonstration in Frankfurt is connecting different political issues and practices. For that, working groups are already coordinating. And we will prepare some surprises as well. Later on, there will be other projects such as that of IL. After March 31st we will join in and use our international contacts for further cooperation. Generally speaking, it is important to remain sensitive towards diverse political debates in other countries. Feedback on our joint call for action has thus far been very encouraging. But we need to prepare for a continued struggle.

The anticapitalist organisations involved want to send a clear signal against further austerity measures, mainly propelled by Germany, and on the backs of workers, the unemployed, students and migrants.

We protest against nationalist propaganda targeting wageworkers in Southern European countries, and against the EU’s military bulkheading on its borders. Alternatively, organisers of M31 call for transnational solidarity and self-organisation of those affected by further cuts, privatization and capitalist exploitation.

Up to now, there is no effective transnational solidarity between workers, unions, the unemployed and migrants. If we want this to change, we’ll have to do it ourselves.

The international day of action in spring preludes a forthcoming European initiative of left wing organisations and grassroots unions, preparing further protests throughout 2012. We invite other emancipatory unions and organisations to join M31. Please take note of our Call for Action on www.march31.net. We’ll be happy to answer any request or proposal.

Let’s get started!