Article of FAU Frankfurt

Within a joint day of action against capitalism on March 31, there have been rallies and demonstrations in more than 40 European cities. These actions are the beginning of an international networking by the anti-authoritarian movement against the European Union’s ruling crisis policy. The common goal is a free society in which everybody can participate. The foundation for that can only be an economy in which everybody is provided with a good life instead of wealth for a small number of people and poverty, existential fear and work baiting for many. On March 31, tens of thousands of people in more than 40 European cities, set in motion for that.

In Frankfurt/Main alone, around 6000 people participated in a demonstration themed “Capitalism is the Crisis”. Speeches at the the demonstration’s beginning stressed the fact that crisis and capitalism are inseparable. “It is a global and systemic crisis”, said Thorsten Bewernitz (FAU). He also said that a connection between industrial actions, struggles on the streets and in front of administrative offices will be crucial in the upcoming time.

As the EU governments and trade organisations try to shift the costs of the crisis on wage workers’ backs, the resistance against it needs to become a popular and a daily exercise so we may successfully oppose the matter. This is how we understand the demonstration’s motto: “Solidarity. Strike. Upheaval”.

The demonstration began at the central station. It was a loud, colourful and open rally, heading towards the construction site of the European Central Bank (ECB), which we wanted to reach together. Besides groups and organisations involved in planning and mobilisation, a wide spectrum of people from many cities gathered at the demonstration.

There were groups from the radical left wing, but also street theatre with stilts and costumes, critical colleagues from ver.di and IGM, older people from the left wing, who have not been on demonstration for years and lots of people working for companies in Frankfurt, who were all attracted by the call and perspectives of this event. Many of them were impressed by the steadily growing demonstration. Finally it grew to 6000 people.

After some speeches in between and greetings to the Occupy camp in front of the present ECB building, some paint bombs were thrown and some glass was broken at the ECB, several banks, the luxury hotel Frankfurter Hof, a couple of temporary work agencies and other buildings.

Just after another stop at the Paulsplatz, when the demonstration started to continue, police units attacked the rear part of the demonstration and began to kettle people in. Around 250 people were kettled for around 9 hours with temperatures just slightly above the freezing point and were randomly attacking police thugs. Those ones kettled in were supported by the demonstration’s own ambulances, with protection against the cold. Still, two of the victims had to be hospitalized, one of them because of hypothermia. The ambulance reported 130 wounded demonstrators.

Before that, the major part of the demonstration tried to reach the kettle for about two hours to open it. When the demonstration finally decided to walk into the city centre, the police decided to break it up. Therefore, the planned actions at the ECB’s construction site became impossible. They probably tried to prevent strong pictures of a ECB fortress bristling with weapons.

Despite the disproportional police actions, March 31 was a distinctive sign against capitalism and nationalism and for a society in which production is oriented on people’s needs. We judge the fact that there were demonstrations and rallies from Ufa at the Ural to Porto at the Atlantic, from Inverness on the British Isles to Utrecht and Milan to Athens, from Moscow, Kiev and Warsaw to Badajoz at the Extremedura, as willingness for a common perspective of resistance against the repression of the state and capitalist exploitation. These rudimentary efforts need to be cultivated, strenghtened and expanded. And they need to be connected to other mobilisations like the general strike in Spain.

From our perspective, this European wide day of action was a successful beginning. The massive participation in a demonstration in Germany, which significantly refused to repair capitalism, gives us hope that there will be subsequent actions. As an anarcho-syndicalist union we stress that demonstrations are nothing more than a short time expression of growing resistance. Effective resistance begins with the organisation at the place of exploitation: factory, offices and many other places which are responsible to make the capitalist galley run. Until we collectively refuse rowing to the beat of the drum and start to set the sails by ourselves, we won’t be galley slaves no more and set the course by ourselves.

As M31, we want to overcome national divisions of protest and resistance with an anti-capitalist and anti-national agenda. Last Saturday’s Day of Action was more than a symbolic first step. Our Call for Action and dozens of assemblies in the run-up provided fundamental analyses of capitalism’s current impasses and authoritarian tendencies. We successfully criticized superficial resentments against „greedy bankers“ and the like. We were able to cooperate transnationally in great solidarity, despite very diverse social realities and political backgrounds. In some countries, M31 was able to bridge traditional gaps between leftist factions. There may still be considerable differences, but we found a way to deal with them constructively. On the other hand, it remains a challenge to confront widespread political illusions about a more social capitalism. M31 protests, too, have been very diverse. We can learn a lot from them, so there will be a documentation on this site.

Now we have to start cooperating on a practical level. We’re currently working on ways to communicate and intervene effectively. For the time being, M31 homepage and facebook will serve as a platform. With the crisis still raging, and with governments aligned to save capitalism on the backs of wageworkers and socially vulnerable classes, we can expect hefty struggles ahead. Capitalism can’t escape its own constraints. It can only contain them by way of coercion, control and exclusion. To coordinate our efforts across national lines, we will provide a political timeline for the rest of the year, with first hand information by M31 groups on the ground. But it will also be necessary to get active on short notice, supporting struggles transnationally. So we’ll establish a routine for quick coordination on a practical level.

As always, self-organization is the key. So let’s get busy!

6,000 people at European Day of Action against Capitalism / Organizers criticize police violence and mass arrests

Frankfurt. In a demonstration associated with the europe-wide anti-capitalist day of action “M31″, 6000 people demonstrated against the neo-liberal and authoritarian crisis policies of the EU. Parallel demonstrations and rallies were held in over thirty European cities, including Madrid, Athens, Milano, Zagreb, Vienna, Utrecht, Moscow and Kiev.

In speeches and greetings, the dramatic impact of current crisis policies in different European countries were discussed. Speakers of the M31 network saw today’s actions as a first step to link anti-capitalist protest internationally.

During the demonstration, paint bombs and stones were thrown at the headquarters of the European Central Bank (ECB), the center of the city police and employment agencies. Under the pretext of determining “some suspects”, police split off and encirceled one third of the demonstration at Allerheiligentor, using batons and pepper spray. Several people were injured, some significantly. Due to this disproportionate interference, the entire demonstration was blocked for one and a half hours, and its continuation was made virtually impossible. Subsequently, the demonstration – which was originally supposed to draw to the site of the new ECB headquarters – was dissolved in Frankfurt’s Ostend. More than 200 demonstrators were rounded up for more than 6 hours on the street. Lawyers were denied contact with those kettled. A spokesperson of the M31 alliance rated these police measures as “manifestly unlawful”.

After the demonstration was dissolved, hundreds of demonstrators marched through downtown Frankfurt. Some militant actions were directed at office and commercial buildings, including the Frankfurt town hall and the employment agency.

Leo Schneider, spokesman for the M31 Alliance, commented: “In Frankfurt, we sent a clear signal against current German and European politics of crisis regulation. This crisis policy aims to restore the competitiveness of European capital, on the backs of wageworkers. Because of a few broken windows, the police brutally attacked our demonstration, injured dozens and arrested two hundred demonstrators. Given the brutal impact of current austerity measures for the people of Europe and the world, this is absurd. Those militant protests were directly aimed at institutions that stand for neoliberal crisis regulation and intensified exploitation. As the reaction of demonstrators showed, these attacks on our demonstration will not break our resistance.”

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M31 / Manifestation anticapitaliste à Francfort (31 mars 2012)

6000 manifestants lors de la Journée européenne d’action contre le capitalisme / Les organisateurs critiquent la violence policière et les arrestations massives

Francfort. Lors d’une manifestation fédérale [nationale] organisée dans le cadre de la journée d’action anticapitaliste “M31″ à l’échelle européenne, 6000 personnes ont manifesté contre les politiques néo-libérales et autoritaires de gestion de la crise de l’Union Européenne. Des manifestations et des rassemblements simultanés ont eu lieu dans plus de trente villes européennes, dont Madrid, Athènes, Milan, Zagreb, Vienne, Utrecht, Moscou et Kiev. Lors des prises de parole et des salutations, l’impact dramatique des politiques actuelles de la crise dans les différents pays européens ont été discutés. Les orateurs du réseau M31 ont considéré les actions d’aujourd’hui comme une première étape pour établir un lien entre les protestations anticapitalistes au niveau international.

Lors de la manifestation, des bombes de peinture et des pierres ont été lancées sur le siège de la Banque centrale européenne (BCE), le centre de la police de la ville et les agences de travail temporaire. Sous le prétexte d’identifier “quelques suspects”, la police a séparé et encerclé le dernier tiers de la manifestation sur la place Allerheiligentor, en faisant usage de matraques et de gaz au poivre. Plusieurs personnes ont été blessées, dont certaines de manière significative.

En raison de cette intervention disproportionnée, la manifestation a été entièrement bloquée pendant une heure et demie, et sa poursuite a été rendue pratiquement impossible. Par la suite, la manifestation – qui à l’origine devait atteindre le lieu du nouveau siège de la BCE – a été dissoute dans l’Ostend de Francfort. Plus de 200 manifestants ont été arrêtés par encerclement dans la rue pendant plus de 6 heures. Le contact avec les encerclés a été refusé aux avocats. Un porte-parole de l’Alliance M31 a qualifié ces mesures de police de “manifestement illégales”.

Après la dissolution de la manifestation, des centaines de manifestants ont défilé dans le centre-ville de Francfort. Certaines actions militantes ont été réalisées en direction d’immeubles commerciaux et de bureaux, y compris l’Hôtel de ville de Francfort et l’agence pour l’emploi.

Leo Schneider, porte-parole de l’Alliance M31, a déclaré : “A Francfort, nous avons envoyé un signal clair contre les politiques allemande et européenne de régulation de la crise. Cette politique de gestion de la crise vise à restaurer la compétitivité du capital européen, sur le dos des travailleurs salariés. Sous prétexte de quelques vitrines brisées, la police a brutalement attaqué notre manifestation, a blessé des dizaines de personnes et arrêté deux cents manifestants pendant des heures. Ce qui est absurde compte tenu des conséquences brutales de mesures d’austérité actuelles pour les peuples d’Europe et du monde. Ces protestations militantes ont visé directement les institutions qui se distinguent dans la régulation néo-libérale de la crise et l’intensification de l’exploitation. Comme les réactions des manifestants l’ont montré, cette attaque contre notre manifestation ne brisera pas notre résistance”, a conclu Leo Schneider.

To stay up-to-date during tomorrow’s day of action, check Twitter: @m31dayofaction & #m31

This is only a start – as we said in our Call for Action: “Simultaneous demonstrations in many European countries are more than just a signal of solidarity. They’re already sparking transnational discussion and cooperation. We invite all emancipatory initiatives to join this process. We strive to grow independent of official institutions, and are prepared for a persistent struggle. The crisis may manifest in varying ways in different countries, but we all share a common goal: We don’t want to save capitalism, we want to overcome it. We oppose nationalism. It is crucial to fight against the continued erosion of social standards, but we need to aim higher. We want to get rid of the fatal constraints of capitalism and its political institutions. That’s the only way the widespread demand for ‘real democracy’ can be fulfilled.“

This Saturday, March 31st, there will be simultaneous demonstrations, rallies and assemblies in many European cities. Protests have been organized by anti-capitalist groups and libertarian grassroots unions from all over Europe. The initiative is labeled “M31 – European Day of Action against Capitalism”. Members of M31 want to send a clear signal against current austerity policies and authoritarian labour reforms by national governments and the Troika (EU, ECB and IMF) on the backs of wageworkers, migrants and the unemployed. In their Call for Action, M31 groups state: “We don’t want to save capitalism, we want to overcome it.”

M31 protests will take place in these cities: Porto (Portugal); Madrid, Toledo, Bilbao, Zaragoza, Murcia, Badajoz, Aranjuez, Castro Uridales (Spain); Besancon, Bayonne (France); Utrecht (Netherlands); Frankfurt/Main (Germany); Vienna (Austria); Modena (Italy); Warsaw (Poland); Kiev (Ukraine); Ljubljana and other cities (Slovania); Zagreb (Croatia); Athens, Thessaloniki (Greece). In solidarity with M31, groups of Occupy Wall Street will hold a rally in New York (USA). Parallel to M31, anti-capitalist groups in Moscow and in many cities of the United Kingdom will take to the streets against neoliberal labour reform. Check the M31 update for details.

Our transnational initiative marks a new level of cooperation of the anti-capitalist left in Europe. We counter nationalist campaigns within the EU against Southern European countries and wageworkers. We get active against the increasing militarization of the European borders. We try to develop a perspective of transnational self-organization against austerity measures. All in all, this Day of Action is just the beginning of a continued struggle. More protest actions are already being organized.

In Germany, the main event on March 31st will be an anti-capitalist and anti-national demonstration in Frankfurt/Main (2 pm, Main Station). A broad alliance of leftist organizations from all over Germany have registered their support. In many cities, busses to Frankfurt have been organized. Speakers will address different aspects of capitalism and its crisis: gentrification, harsh labour reforms, nationalist politics of migration and deportation, and the like. In the course of the demonstration, the European Central Bank will be visited. Organizers expect a good turnout.

For further information, check our multilingual homepage: march31.net

To get in touch:
 eMail: m31-press@riseup.net
 Phone: +49 163 71 53 714

SPAIN: On March 29th, it’s general strike in Spain. CNT had taken the initiative to call it. Comrades, we wish you all the best and so much more. May the force be with you! Here’s CNT’s english statement on 29M. If you read Spanish, click here!

In Warsaw, Berlin, Frankfurt and Stuttgart, and The Hague, M31 groups and others have organized rallies in support.

Right after 29M, CNT will again take to the streets on M31. There will be rallies in Toledo, Aranjuez, Zaragoza, Badajoz, Castro Urdiales and Murcia. Plus EHKL’s rally in Bilbao and GLAD’s seminar in Madrid. Click!

Alternatively on vimeo: M31 – Graffiti Mobi Video

Introduction

The following article was written in the context of the mobilisation for the international project “M31”, a European day of action against capitalism and the crisis. It is a first attempt to describe our approach of “antinational communism”*. Antinationalism is a fairly new, German-specific perspective on left-wing radical politics. It came about in the early 90s in Germany as a reaction to the reunification of a new, greater Germany and the occurrences of racism/fascism by a reactionary civil society. What is its central tenet? Nationalism or – to be more precise – the idea of the nation itself is seen as the central ideology, the all-time dominant, undeniable category in the global, oppressing power relation of capitalism and the capitalist state, which we want to see abolished. From our point of view, an antinational perspective goes beyond traditional left-wing approaches (classical anti-imperialism). And yet, we do not like to focus on Germany and its specifics alone and instead pick up a certain idea of international networking. We want to free this approach from its Germany-focussed isolation and – especially now at a time of crisis, when we can develop transnational reference points – start discussions with comrades in other European countries. Hence we decided to call this approach “international antinationalism”. This is also one of the main motivations for us and our antinational, German-wide network “…ums Ganze!” to engage in the project “M31”, which was largely initiated out of Germany.

*For us, communism has so far never existed. Communism is “the real movement which abolishes the present state of things” (Marx), i.e. the total negation of the present, capitalist world order for an emancipated, liberated society. The Soviet Union and “real-existing socialism” never was able to get rid of certain basic-capitalist categories, like value or wage labour. Thus, our use of the term communism distances itself from historic attempts at “Real Socialism”.

See more:

www.no-racism.de

www.umsganze.org

International Antinationalism!

Five years after the start of the financial crisis, after the insurrections in the Arab region, after intense protests against worsening living and working conditions – after all these developments, finally the German Left is having discussions about the crisis. It seems to become obvious that partial struggles within and against the spheres of production and reproduction are not able to resist against the austerity measures of the Troika (European Union, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund). This experience has led to different movements and different struggles emerging in these last years, which are looking for common reference points. These transnational movements – whether we think of “Occupy” or the “Arab spring” – are proof that actions which relate to each other are capable of creating new dynamics and of disrupting – at least on the level of ideas traditional conceptions of political terrain (thinking and acting within one’s “own” national territory; the nation as a firm category).

Still, all these new movements share the same problem: when it comes to the point of articulating critique and demands, we find only vague abstractions rather than specifics. At the same time, they do retain a certain intuitiveness about the capacity of collective action. This idea of revolt is opposed – from within the “European Left” – by the supporters of a state idealism in two related, yet polarised, ways: the first way claims that social movements can manage to become relevant forces in politics only by relying on a “moral basis”. This perspective agitates for the “Idea of Europe” as a common denominator for the different movements and encourages it against the current EUROpe of austerity measures. The second way advocates a politics, which has allegedly been robbed of its true power by “the evil incarnate” (the banksters). This perspective views the aim of struggle as the establishment of a sovereign authority, which would set the framework for the possibility of social reforms. In what follows, we are going to criticise both ways in order to show their reactionary role in the current discussions, and to illustrate our programme for a social offensive. Furthermore, we are going to suggest a different approach for social revolt, derived from our critique of state and capital. We shall call this approach “international antinationalism”.

The “Idea of Europe” vs. EUROpe

Whether in school, in university or in leftist feature pages – the “Idea of Europe” is a sacred cow. Especially in times of crisis and wars, it is beyond any criticism. In the midst of World War I, the German philosopher Georg Simmel understood exactly what the “Idea of Europe” is about and what it opposes: “The belief and spirit of internationalism [...] is an altogether secondary phenomenon [...] and an enemy of one’s own rooted national character. Europeanism, on the other hand, is an idea, an altogether primary phenomenon not attainable by accumulation or abstraction – however late its appearance as a historical force. It does not exist in between individual nations, it exists beyond them, and is thus perfectly compatible with an individual national life.”

Beyond the speculative search for difference and commonality of national identities – so typical for nationalists – Simmel recognizes within the “Idea of Europe” the benefit to one’s own nation of guarding the latter against the “virus” of the worker’s movement’s all-pervasive internationalism. Still today, the “Idea of Europe” serves this function. Furthermore, the value of the “Idea of Europe”, in its “idealism”, lies in its perspective on ideological crisis management. The Prussian state-political philosopher Hegel wrote: “It is often said, for the sake of edification, that war makes short work of the vanity of temporal things. It is the element by which the idealization of what is particular receives its right and becomes an actuality.” “Idealisation”, the value of Europe, is not just some philosophical chit-chat outside of world affairs; it is a matter of great priority for European states that their citizens accept the “Idea of Europe” as an “ideal” and that they renounce the “vanity of temporal things”.

But what exactly is the “Idea of Europe” anyway? A lot of pens have been put to paper to answer this question and a great deal of nonsense has been the result. The most honest answer, however, was given by the outgoing president of the European Central Bank – Jean Claude Trichet – with the following description: “Our model was the united American Market. If we wanted peace and prosperity, it was said at the time, we needed to benefit from the same economies of scale, from the same free markets as did the United States. This was the vision of the founding fathers of Europe. If that was true back then, it is even more so today”. Nowadays it is widely known that it was primarily Germany who benefited from these free markets and whose export surplus ruined other national economies in Europe, such as that of Greece. In order to keep the “Idea of Europe” going, they now “speak German” in Europe, by which we mean the impoverishment of the masses to enable the realisation of capital valorisation.

L’Etat pour moi

In times of crisis, it is not only bankrupt car manufacturers or banks in need of a bailout that are calling for the strong state. The Left, too, sees itself vindicated once more. Financial capital, helped by ruthless parliamentarians, has sold “politics” down the river, it claims. Enchanted by the benevolence of “financial markets”, nation-states were no longer able to carry out their true function of pleasing their people’s needs, it alleges.

Alongside such rather simplistic approaches, there are also many academic versions of the same. What they have in common is a glorified image of the “golden age of capitalism” (Eric Hobsbawm). According to such claims, the intervention of the state – including its ideological support in mid-20th century, Keynesianism – was not a result of tendencies of monopolisation (imperialism), problems in the production of surplus value (Paul Mattik) and the struggles of rebellious workers (Beverly Silver); rather it is supposed to represent a dubious “class compromise”, which pointed at an advantageous “power balance” for the working classes. This reading does not only deny the inner historicity of capital, but it focuses the struggle for a liberated society on the state, the territory of its defeat. Accordingly, the “capitalist state” (Friedrich Engels uses the term “ideeller Gesamtkapitalist” which translates roughly as the “ideal personification of the total national capital”) had the obscure, a-historical potential to ban forever, by sovereign dictum, all tendencies for crisis and to guarantee the permanent valorisation of value.

And hence, the global accumulation of capital needs nothing more than to create a “true demand” in the market as well as new “leading technologies” by means of a “green capitalism”, all for the achievement of new profits. Alone the fact that the elites and bosses do not show any interest in any such pragmatic proposals to extend exploitation and oppression hints at the fading sovereignty of state authority. It is this “left-wing faith” in the power of the state that gave impetus to the Greek Stalinists (KKE) sending its gangs of “thugs” to protect the parliament in Athens from other protesters during the election of a new austerity package. He who seeks the power of the state has to prevent its dissolution by dissolving the revolt.

What to do? – Determining our position

In recent years, some antinational projects have tried to make international connections. Although a lack of capacity meant that larger initiatives were not possible, such efforts did maintain a common theoretical frame: a clear dissociation from those on the Left that support the state, as well as the rejection of the idea of “national solidarity” (“Solidarität der Völker”). In order to strengthen the idea of a “revolutionary defeatism” (a concept Lenin opposed to “social patriotism” – the ed.) we took action – locally and further afield – against global companies with headquarters in Germany or against German and European institutions. Our activities sought to criticise the nation-state as the unquestioned centre of all politics and to symbolically deny that a whole country could benefit from the business carried out by individual companies. Beyond that, we tried to open communication channels with those people that had already taken to revolt, with limited success.

In this context, we supported two Germany-wide days of actions called for by the campaign “Antifa Tehran”. These actions expressed solidarity with the insurrection against the Islamist regime of Iran in 2009 and publicly outed German companies involved in dirty business with the Iranian government. Critical research showed that German businesses supported the IRI regime, which was sanctioned by the state. Crucially for this campaign, the most direct and widespread signal of solidarity that we could send to the Iranian protesters at the time was a blockade of the Iranian consulate in Frankfurt. Unfortunately, it was hard to receive wider, left-wing support for this, because the traditional Left’s reception of the political case of Iran and its limited competence to adequately respond to the events of 2009 proved to be an insurmountable stumbling block.

We made very different experiences as part of our participation in the global “day of action against Eurest” (Eurest is a catering and canteen multinational – the ed.), organised by our comrades from the Industrial Workers of the World; the employees of the Ford-canteen in Cologne experienced direct solidarity by other Eurest-workers worldwide, be they in New York or Frankfurt, who supported the Ford-workers in their struggle against Eurest and the Ford management. Maybe this was a small sign that in times of national competition for jobs, a competition perpetuated even by trade unions, parts of the working class are still aware of the importance of solidarity. Our aim, however, remains to broach the issue of international networking of wage-labourers reflecting transnational chains of capital valorisation in order to revive the question of “workplace bargaining power” (Silver) in the “hidden abode of production” (Marx).

In 2011, an unpredictable wave of practical solidarity reached a new peak in Germany: the eviction of the squat “Liebig 14” led to a permanent status of alert for several police units in the whole of Germany. Indeed, Berlin and other cities in Germany saw massive, spontaneous clashes. This must be understood as a reaction to the state fantasising about more evictions, for example that of the notorious squat “Rote Flora” in Hamburg.

These chain reactions of solidarity reminded us of the international response to the 2008 December riots in Greece. The occupation of the Greek embassy in Berlin on 8 December 2008, which was covered widely by the Greek media, not to forget a large number of demonstrations and actions all over the world, “motivated” our comrades in Greece not to give up their struggle.

Yes! Antinational Solidarity!

All these cases have one thing in common: they focus on solidarity. But what does solidarity mean, anyway? Today, it turns out to be a largely empty notion with hugely differing meanings; its definition from a left-wing and radical perspective is problematic due to its colloquial, predominant meaning. Bourgeois society understands the principle of solidarity as the selfless duty to serve the “common good”, along the lines of “One for all, and all for one”. Whether it concerns the shift of the costs of social reproduction back upon the workers via the medium of national insurance, or whether it is about the German government’s “Agenda 2010″ or other austerity measures – you can hear the call for “solidarity” play to the tune of national responsibility for state and capital.

Our understanding of “antinational solidarity” is diametrically opposed to this call of duty for the nation. We agree with the concept of solidarity as formulated by the First International: Marx and Engels had derived the basic principle of solidarity from the necessity of the international character of the social revolution. At that time it appeared obvious that only the intention to smash the whole system would enable a general uprising in the spirit of solidarity. We agree and say with Marx: “The revolution must be carried out with solidarity.”

Thus, we need to (re)occupy the principle of solidarity and fill it with left-wing and radical content. Solidarity has to be freed from the isolation of single issue campaigns; it has to be revived and updated by purging it of its reactionary and especially if its national blinkers.

We do not want to appear as naïve and overly optimistic in relation to the current struggles. Still, we do find in these time and time again possibilities for theoretical and political radicalisation. However, the struggle for a better life can only succeed if it comes in the form of a social revolution. Until then we see it as our task to disseminate the idea of antinational solidarity beyond the boundaries of Germany and Europe and to continue to criticise and to act against the correlation of state, nation and capital – free from the illusions of the reformist and traditional Left.

For an international antinational movement!